A view from PretoriaA view from Pretoria on the world establishment's water agenda (Pass it on if you like...) It's that old question again: is Pretoria trying to break or to shine the chains of global apartheid? The cheeky term, which was banned from the final communique at the WSSD, is used below to describe the world's water situation. This paper is something water affairs director-general Mike Muller is presenting -- e.g., yesterday in Brussels -- with a strong anti-privatisation message, believe it or not: "the aggressive push by international water and financial interests for private engagement has been working to their ultimate detriment. The pendulum is swinging against too great an involvement of private sector. Resistance to private engagement is the result, in part, of the obvious failure of private initiative to address the core challenge of the unserved. There is a vital role for private expertise and resources in providing water services. Unfortunately, if that role is literally forced down the throats of potential beneficiaries, they often choke. If we do not want to give credibility to those who describe private sector engagement as neo-imperialist expansion designed to boost profits of the rich world's service industries, we must demonstrate that it is the product of rational institutional decisions designed to achieve public objectives." That's a nice acknowledgment, for those of us anti-imperialists seeking credibility in Pretoria, Ottawa and Washington, eh. Actually, it's mainly a tribute to the activists in Accra, Atlanta, Buenos Aires, Cape Town, Cochabamba, Durban, Johannesburg, Manila and so many places inbetween who have opposed water privatisation so successfully. However, the paper is also full of sophistry. After the quotes are my UPPERCASE interpretations: Patrick Bond - pbond@sn.apc.org ... Sanitation progress has been much slower, reflecting in part the low perceived priority of sanitation provision which hardly featured in pre-1994 surveys of community aspirations and expectations of government (SURE, THAT'S IT: BLAME THE VICTIM FOR LOW TAKE-UP ON MULLER'S NEOLIBERAL PIT LATRINE INSTALLATION POLICY, BASED ON NEOLIBERAL COPAYMENT PREMISES THAT MEANT VIRTUALLY NO TOILETS WERE BUILT...) A cholera outbreak in KwaZulu-Natal in 2000 highlighted the importance of improved sanitation (and hygiene) if the health benefits of water supply are to be fully realised. Sanitation is now a national political priority. (THIS SPIN DOCTORING DIVERTS ATTENTION FROM THE FACT THAT WATER CUT-OFFS -- WHICH IN A JUST SOUTH AFRICA WOULD BE DECLARED UNCONSTITUTIONAL -- WERE AT THE EPICENTRE OF THE EPIDEMIC.) The major challenge is to establish social consensus around the idea of free basic services and the corollary of payment for higher levels of service. (IN REALITY, THE MAJOR CHALLENGE IS TO STOP SYSTEMIC BUREAUCRATIC SABOTAGE OF FREE WATER, INCLUDING HALTING THE ONGOING EPIDEMIC OF WATER DISCONNECTIONS DUE TO UNAFFORDABILITY, AND IN THE PROCESS TO REJIG SA'S URBAN TARIFF SYSTEM DRAMATICALLY.) (THEN THERE'S A BIT OF SELF-CRITICISM WHICH IS LONG OVERDUE.) In this context, South Africa is encouraged by the EU's constructive approach to funding of the water sector in South Africa and elsewhere. (HAH. NOT ONLY HAVE THE EU GATS SUBMISSIONS -- LEAKED LAST WEEK -- MADE CLEAR THEIR 'AID' AGENDA, THE EU DONORS LIKE HOLLAND WERE THE ONES SCREAMING LOUDEST AGAINST THE FREE BASIC WATER POLICY WHEN IT BECAME THE RULING PARTY'S POLICY IN SEPTEMBER 2000.) I GUESS IN THE WHOLE SCHEME OF THINGS, THIS PAPER REPRESENTS PROGRESS... THOUGH VERY TELLING IS MULLER'S FAILURE TO ADDRESS DISCONNECTIONS, PRE-PAID METERS, CROSS SUBSIDIES (DEMAND SIDE MANAGEMENT INSTEAD OF EXPENSIVE SUPPLY ENHANCEMENTS), AND THE CONCRETE IMPLICATIONS OF SUBSIDY SYSTEMS... THESE ARE FOR FUTURE STRUGGLES, BUT AT LEAST AT KYOTO, PRETORIA'S NORMAL ROLE IN AMPLIFYING AND LEGITIMISING INTERNATIONAL NEOLIBERAL POLICIES MAY BE SOMEWHAT LESS APPARENT THAN WE'VE SEEN THESE LAST FEW YEARS, SAY, IN SEATTLE, DOHA, MONTERREY, OTTAWA, JO'BURG, GENEVA, WASHINGTON, ETC ETC... Patrick... *** Water 2003 : What should be done Lessons from Johannesburg and pointers for the future Mike Muller Director General Department of Water Affairs and Forestry South Africa Summary The Johannesburg Summit has given us a clear mandate to achieve certain goals. We need to understand the challenge and move rapidly to outline and implement our strategy to achieve them. We should start by acknowledging key lessons from Johannesburg. The first lesson is that basic water and sanitation goals can be met and that there can be a role for all partners, public and private, domestic and foreign, government and civil society. The second lesson is that business as usual will not achieve the goals. We need to acknowledge the constraints and review the paradigms within which we work.. The final lesson is that, as with sustainable development in general, we will not achieve the water goals in isolation but as part of a broader development process. We have a responsibility as water sector to understand the issues and identify the opportunities to address them. These key areas are: - governance and institutions at all levels - the financial framework - the trade and investment environment When we present our programmes of action in Kyoto, aside from the sector specific interventions, we must highlight the areas outside the water sector in which we will require progress to be made and outline the actions to be taken to resolve them. *** The Johannesburg Summit provided a clear mandate for today's meeting. And in this presentation, I am going to use the word "we" a lot, to include all those who are committed to achieving the very basic goals which were underwritten by our Heads of State at the Millennium Meeting of the United Nations and expanded at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg earlier this year. We need to understand the challenges with which we have been presented and move rapidly to outline and implement strategies to address them. And, to do this, we should start by acknowledging a few key lessons from Johannesburg for which it may be useful to draw on what my compatriots and I sometimes refer to as South Africa's "world in one country" experience. The Water and Sanitation Goals can be met The first lesson is that basic water and sanitation goals can be met and that there is a role for all partners, public and private, domestic and foreign, government and civil society in the process. South Africa provides a useful example, on water supply at least. The South African government has provided infrastructure to ensure a basic water supply for over ten million people since 1994 and is on track to realise the goal of water for all by 2008. Putting infrastructure in the ground is of course only the first step. There must be an adequate budget to operate it. In this context, South Africa's "free basic water policy" is one of the first systematic efforts in the developing world to give effect to the idea of a "right to water" in a sustainable way. Central to this, institutional arrangements are being put in place to operate and expand the infrastructure through new local governments which were elected in December 2000 and are still in their infancy. Sanitation progress has been much slower, reflecting in part the low perceived priority of sanitation provision which hardly featured in pre-1994 surveys of community aspirations and expectations of government. A cholera outbreak in KwaZulu-Natal in 2000 highlighted the importance of improved sanitation (and hygiene) if the health benefits of water supply are to be fully realised. Sanitation is now a national political priority. This is critical for the successful implementation of a household based programme. It is assisted by government's general policy of maximising the social impact of infrastructure investment which is encouraging the kind of community based approach that has been shown to be successful at a smaller scale. South Africa's programmes are led by national government and implemented by local government but involve the private sector in various guises, as well as NGOs and the beneficiary communities themselves. The legal framework gives communities, through their local governments, the flexibility to implement the service provision option of their choice. So there are a few full private sector concessions (which have met with mixed success) as well as engagement with the private sector in the more traditional fields of design, construction and outsourced management of specific elements of the water services such as billing and collection and plant management. There is a range of interesting "public-public" partnerships and attention is currently being given to ways in which Community Based Organisations can formally undertake service management, particularly in small, relatively isolated rural communities. The capital programme for which I am responsible focuses on the situation in the rural areas with a relatively static population. Service expansion to address population growth focuses on the urban areas where the major metropolitan areas are able to fund most of the infrastructure as well as the water resource development required to supply it. Service provision here is associated with broader housing programmes and the development of "township" infrastructure. The major challenge is to establish social consensus around the idea of free basic services and the corollary of payment for higher levels of service. Business As Usual Will Not Achieve Our Goals. If the South African experience highlights that with motivation, management and money, the goals can be met, the second lesson from Johannesburg is that business as usual will not achieve our goals. Specifically, some current accepted wisdom needs to be challenged, notably, the requirement that users must pay the costs of their services. In the international development debate, this position has been backed by evidence that - people are willing to pay for their services; and - people are paying (often to formal or informal private providers). The first issue is that peoples' stated intent often reflects neither their ability to pay nor their subsequent intentions. I have personally been in many meetings where communities have undertaken to pay for the ongoing operation and maintenance of the water scheme we are offering to finance. The subtext to the dialogue runs, "we understand that we will not get the infrastructure unless we agree to this condition. Fine. We want the infrastructure and will sign on the dotted line. But we will come back to discuss the operational financing once the infrastructure is in the ground." And they do, and so would you in the circumstances. Quite often, where they can, they pick up the responsibilities. But too often, it was found that if the "no payment, no access" line is held, people resort to other, unacceptable water sources because they simply cannot afford to pay; it was such cases that led the South African government to introduce its "free basic water policy". Secondly, while we know that in many urban areas in particular, people are paying informal private providers for their water, and often paying a very high price per litre, we also know that they are usually not getting what we would consider as an acceptable minimum service for health and dignity. Further, what they are paying is in many cases not enough to enable such a minimum service to be provided. This is hardly surprising. The costs and complexities of providing a water service are usually greater in poor third world cities than in their first world counterparts. Construction and maintenance is more difficult and therefore expensive in poorly defined and maintained housing areas. Cost recovery and credit control is a greater challenge in poorer communities. Needless to say, the cost of capital is higher. The sourcing of adequately protected raw water is often a greater challenge. Only labour is cheaper and labour costs are usually a relatively small proportion of the total cost of delivering water services. Meanwhile, household incomes may be as much as 100 times lower than developed world households while per capita consumption is only 10 times less. This is why South Africa has said - and we are pleased that it is beginning to be reflected in the international discourse - that while cost-recovery is a vital element of water supply financing, affordability must not bar access to basic services. Certainly, if we are to achieve the Millennium goals - which by definition means targeting the poor - we cannot accept as an iron rule that the poor must pay for their services. Now this is heresy and many will point out that the principles which I have just torn up have been internationally agreed in places such as Dublin. Here we need to be a little self-critical and this sets the scene for the final lesson from Johannesburg. The fact is that, to date, the international water debate has been largely driven outside the formal multi-lateral system and the key conclusions reflect largely the views of the donor community. This is not to say that there has been any malicious process at work. On the contrary, many people have engaged with the substantial challenge of improving water supply and sanitation globally with the best of intentions. One of the reasons that the policy diktats have not been challenged more strongly is that they have indeed reflected the best that can be achieved in the current circumstances. But, if we are to be successful, we have to change the context and that leads us to the third lesson from Johannesburg. Public finance to end Global Apartheid The final lesson is that we will not achieve the water goals in isolation but as part of a broader global development process. We have a responsibility as water sector to understand and engage the broader issues and identify the opportunities to address them. To start with, we need to acknowledge the constraints and frameworks within which we work in the very different societies to which the global goals direct us. Again, the South African experience is explicit and useful. While the apartheid policy was in place, huge populations remained unserved. With apartheid overthrown, it has not been difficult to address the consequent backlogs. South Africa's inequalities are justifiably famed and well documented but the advantage of being a relatively well-off, albeit horribly unequal, middle-income country is that, when the balance of power changes in their favour, the needs of the poor can be met. But what does this mean for the broader global community ? Most of the global backlog does not occur in middle income countries which are able to redistribute between rich and poor. It is trite that there is more than enough money to meet basic minimum needs in water and sanitation. We must not be distracted by that mind-boggling US$60 - 160 billion annual additional financing which was claimed to be needed by the water sector. That wrong number was deliberately introduced to misdirect the debate. It includes the funding needed for the far higher levels of service required by successful Third World cities and was used to highlight and promote the potential role of the private sector, a vitally important but separate discussion. Unfortunately, that number has distracted us from the critical issue of addressing the basic needs of the poor which is what we are mandated to do here, by WSSD and more generally by the Millennium Declaration. The additional cost of meeting the basic needs of the poor by 2015 is actually a more feasible amount, perhaps US$10 billion annually. This is eminently do-able. But how do we mobilise the funds? In public finance terms, what South Africa does is straightforward. Given the inherited inequalities, the redistributive use of national tax revenues to fund investment in basic needs infrastructure and its operation is appropriate and efficient. The Constitution provides a framework in which local government has the duty to provide basic services and national government to provide the financial and other support and to monitor progress. But what is the framework and what are the options at a global scale ? It is at this point that the lessons from Johannesburg become most challenging. President Thabo Mbeki repeatedly referred to "global apartheid" during WSSD and we need to ask, what is the global equivalent of ending apartheid in South Africa ? This goes well beyond the scope of today's meeting. The Finance for Development process and related proposals for the reform of international financial governance are central; so too are the WTO's Doha and GATS negotiations; even the financial framework for enlarging Europe is relevant since it will impact on agricultural trade and rural incomes; underlying all this is the ongoing review of global governance. It is at this point that the bizarre WSSD debate on whether we should have a global sanitation target begins to make sense. Aside from the fact that it was a useful negotiating chip, it appeared that the US government feared being led into a set of global financial obligations. It has been suggested, by organisations such as the Canadian-based Centre for International Sustainable Law, that acceptance of such targets might bring with it certain obligations. And I believe that the truly shameful debate about sanitation targets was really a reflection of the bigger development debate about the principle that with international rights go international responsibilities. In this context, South Africa is encouraged by the EU's constructive approach to funding of the water sector in South Africa and elsewhere. By agreeing to budget support approaches, the right mechanisms are being applied. In the language of regional public policy, the asymmetry of subsidiarity must go both ways. So, yes, decentralisation may be the best option for the operational management of water services (and aid budgets). But, to finance basic water supplies in poor communities, greater centralisation is required to achieve reliable funding flows. That means centralisation of funding to the appropriate level which, in a world deeply divided between rich and poor, means to regional and global institutions. For a more formal global public finance system to emerge, recipient countries will also have to change the way they do business. They will have to put in place management structures and the usual boring checks and balances of accountability, external as well as internal. In Africa at least, the framework for this is emerging through the NEPAD process and the establishment of the African Union. Conclusion : Choices, GATS and Ways Forward The Johannesburg Summit has reconfirmed the challenge of the Millennium Declaration and put us on the path of action. To go forward, we need to know where the people we want to reach are, and also to ensure that, in each case, region by region, nation by nation, state by state, we know the policies and strategies adopted to address their needs. We will have to identify the gaps and propose interventions to close them but, most importantly, we will have to support effective programmes in the many places where these have already started. Recognising that local implementation is key to success, we must recognise that providing reliable financial resources from the global level will be equally important. But there are other challenges. One is the vexed role of the private sector in water service provision. This important issue is separate but linked to the Millennium challenge since substantial funding flows, which should go to the poor, are intercepted in favour of the less poor. Meanwhile, the aggressive push by international water and financial interests for private engagement has been working to their ultimate detriment. The pendulum is swinging against too great an involvement of private sector. Resistance to private engagement is the result, in part, of the obvious failure of private initiative to address the core challenge of the unserved. There is a vital role for private expertise and resources in providing water services. Unfortunately, if that role is literally forced down the throats of potential beneficiaries, they often choke. If we do not want to give credibility to those who describe private sector engagement as neo-imperialist expansion designed to boost profits of the rich world's service industries, we must demonstrate that it is the product of rational institutional decisions designed to achieve public objectives. I would suggest two initiatives that might help. The first would be for donors and lending agencies to cease making private sector involvement a pre-condition for water sector support. Respect the fact that most governments and communities are seeking to meet their water service needs and help them to make sound choices, their own choices. In particular, we should allow them to make their own decisions on service provision options. Given a strong focus on basic water and sanitation needs, we may well create conditions in which more appropriate - and more successful - private intervention can be developed. Related to this, the second initiative would be for the OECD countries, their companies, preferably both, to call for water services to be taken off the table in the GATS and related trade negotiations. This would help to make the point that we are serious about achieving the global objectives and not just pursuing our trade objectives under a benevolent guise. This relates to the final point. We will not solve the water services challenges within the current development funding framework and should not be shy about stating the obvious. So we need to acknowledge - and communicate forcefully - that if progress is not made on reforming this big framework, or appropriate mechanisms established for the water sector at least, we will not achieve our water service goals. We must design programmes of action that will achieve our goals not programmes that are doomed to fail before they start. We must assume we will receive the support we need and plan accordingly. This is not irrational optimism. There are good reasons to believe that we are at a juncture at which new approaches are possible. At the outset, I defined "we" as all those who are committed to achieving the very modest water goals underwritten by our Heads of State during the UN 's Millennium Meeting as expanded at WSSD. I will go further now and say that it is those who are prepared to stand up in their individual communities, governments and societies and take a stand for these goals, take a stand for the resources and reforms necessary to achieve them, even where that stand may not be a popular one. If we do this, we can go to Kyoto, with some semblance of confidence, we can present programmes of action that have a reasonable chance of success. That, at the least, is what we should be aiming for. |
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